BUDHY MUNAWAR-RACHMAN: JOURNEY TOWARD (RELIGIOUS) PLURALISM

First published in The Jakarta Post, April 30, 2007

BUDHY MUNAWAR-RACHMAN: JOURNEY TOWARD (RELIGIOUS) PLURALISM

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Tangerang, Banten

Muslim intellectual Budhy Munawar-Rachman looked relieved and satisfied. Completing a 4,000-page series of books on the thoughts of the late Muslim thinker Nurcholish "Cak Nur" Madjid required a lot of patience, hard work and a high degree of accuracy, for which Budhy deserves praise.

Cak Nur passed away in 2005 due to illness.

"It has been my dream (to complete such a series) since 1996, and it was a fully rewarding and intellectual experience for me," Budhy, who first met Cak Nur in 1984 and later became his assistant in 1992 at the Paramadina Foundation, told The Jakarta Post of his series of books Ensiklopedi Nurcholish Madjid.

The series, comprising four volumes, comprehensively compiles the thoughts and opinions of Cak Nur, and was mostly transcribed from oral presentations, discussions and lectures, and scholarly papers presented at various conferences and seminars.

When asked why he decided to use the word Ensiklopedi, Budhy said that Cak Nur was just like an encyclopedia. He had a broad knowledge of Islam and modernism and his thoughts have become a source which people from various backgrounds can consult from students to intellectuals, and even presidential candidates.

"Cak Nur is a source of inspiration for many, and his thoughts went way beyond his generation. For some, his thoughts might be considered controversial, but they have profoundly influenced the direction of Islamic discourse and movements in this country, especially toward the acceptance of moderation, secularization and pluralism," said Budhy.

"Cak Nur is simply indispensable."

Budhy transcribed and edited Cak Nur's lectures from 1996 to 2002. From 2004 to 2006 he worked almost full-time on editing before arranging them into the four-set series.

Born on June 22, 1963, in Jakarta, Budhy grew up in somewhat of a mixed "traditionalist" and "modernist" Muslim family.

His father, Abd. Rachman Shaleh, a research professor in Islamic studies at the Religious Affairs Ministry, graduated from an Islamic boarding school, or pesantren, affiliated with Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), while his mother, Siti Munawarah, was a member of Muhammadiyah.

It was perhaps this non-monolithic atmosphere that enabled Budhy to humbly accept differences, "although my father's influence was stronger than my mother's," he said.

"One thing about my parents that made them very similar is that they never spoke ill of non-Muslims," Budhy said.

His flexibility and willingness in embracing pluralism was enhanced even further when his parents sent him to secular and public schools in the morning and then to the religious Madrasah al-Ittihad school in Tanah Abang, Central Jakarta, in the afternoons.

"I studied all-day long," recalled Budhy, "and I thank my parents for giving me a solid Islamic education, both at home and in the madrasah, which has been vital in the subsequent years of my life and in dealing with difficult religious discourses and doctrines."

After completing high school, Budhy developed an interest in helping the local Muslim community. He undertook community development training at pesantren Asyafi'iyah in Jakarta. The training, called Sekolah Tinggi Pariwisata, was a joint collaboration between noted research institute LP3ES, led by Dawam Rahardjo, development study institute LSP, led by Adi Sasono, and the pesantren itself.

Budhy studied the philosophies of Paulo Freire, whose emphasis on dialog was well-known among those concerned with informal education, and Ivan Illich, whose polemics on the different forms of professional authority, such as his idea onsociety", earned the philosopher an unsavory reputation.

Teachers at the school included Mansur Faqih, a student of Muslim scholar Harun Nasution, who was famous for his teachings on rational Islam and neo-Mu'tazilah, accepting that the future is in the hands of man, or to put it radically: man decides and God follows. Other teachers at the school included Utomo Danandjaya, who taught Budhy about the importance of tolerance, and Roem Topatimasang, who taught leftist philosophy.

The training was a real eye-opener for Budhy in learning that Islam, indeed, has many faces.

The school, however, only managed to produce one batch of graduates as it was closed down in 1984 after a dispute among members of the pesantren who believed that the school was leading students downdangerous path".

Budhy later joined the Proklamasi Religious Study group in the house of Djohan Effendi, together with activists Fachri Ali and Bachtiar Effendi and activist-turned-journalist Syafi'i Anwar.

"It was a study group designed to welcome home Cak Nur, who, at the time, had almost finished writing his PhD in the U.S.," recalled Budhy.

He also enrolled in the Catholic-oriented STF Driyarkara Institute of Philosophy, and found his time there to beand intellectually worthwhile."

Unlike other religion-oriented schools, STF Driyarkara welcomes students from various religious backgrounds.learned Catholic theology, not from Muslims, but directly from Catholics themselves," said Budhy. His lecturers included Christ Veshaak, J. Verhaar, Kees Bertens and Franz Magnis-Suseno.

He said he was marveled by the teachings of love within Christianity. "It is an unconditional love, which is nearly impossible for ordinary human beings to learn," he said.

Budhy did not stop there. He later studied Hinduism, Buddhism, Taoism and Confucianism. He said his study of oriental mysticism with Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University, and his visit to India in 1992 have sharpened his sense of wisdom and spirituality, and have ensured him that at the end of the dayreligions are good."

Reflecting on his religious and spiritual journey, Budhy said he applies "passing-over" methodology, meaning that he crosses over his own religion and embraces another, andback" methodology, which means as a pious Muslim, he should consider everything he learns from other religions or spiritual philosophies.

Budhy is currently the project officer of Islam and Civil Society at The Asia Foundation. The Foundation's approach in Indonesia is to recognize the vital role of Islam in defining the country's political and social identity. He also teaches Islamic thought at STF Driyarkara.

Nevertheless, just like Cak Nur, Budhy has been unable to escape controversy. His involvement in interfaith marriage agreements has earned him notoriety among mainstream Muslims.

"Interfaith marriage is merely a logical consequence of pluralism," defended Budhy.

"Many couples, particularly Muslims and non-Muslims - find difficulty in getting married. Ultimately, one person is forced to change their religion in order to get married, which is bad. We are just trying to help, as the state is still helpless," he said, adding that interfaith marriage is religiously acceptable.

Resensi Buku: Dari "Local Wisdom" ke "Unity in Diversity"

First published in
Kompas, Monday, April 23, 2007

Resensi Buku
Dari "Local Wisdom" ke "Unity in Diversity"

Oleh Ismatillah A Nuad

Indonesia adalah negara-bangsa pluralistik dan multikulturalistik yang dimukimi oleh beragam etnis, bahasa, agama, dan ideologi yang berbeda serta letak geografis antardaerahnya karena dipisahkan oleh belasan ribu pulau. Seorang peneliti Eropa suatu ketika pernah merasa heran, seperti diceritakan Robert Cribb (2001), mestinya ada terdapat banyak negara pula, tetapi kenyataannya hanya ada satu negara, yaitu Indonesia.

Karena itu, dalam negara-bangsa ini, risiko terjadinya konflik di antara masyarakatnya sangatlah besar. Suatu kenyataan yang tak bisa dimungkiri, sejumlah konflik pernah terjadi di beberapa daerah di Indonesia: konflik di Kalimantan Barat, Maluku, Poso, Aceh, Papua, dan Timor Timur yang akhirnya lepas dari Indonesia. Sejumlah konflik itu masing-masing memiliki geneologi dan anatominya tersendiri. Ada yang dipicu karena perbedaan dan kesenjangan etnis, agama, politik, dan persoalan-persoalan SARA lainnya.

Perihal konflik-konflik yang pernah terjadi di Indonesia beserta kearifan lokal apa saja yang sesungguhnya dapat memberi kontribusi besar bagi perdamaian terekam dan dijelaskan dalam buku ini. Konflik-konflik itu umumnya diamati semenjak pasca-Soeharto tumbang pada tahun 1998.

Secara khusus, penelitian dalam buku ini dilakukan secara simultan pada Januari-April 2006. Seperti yang disebutkan dalam judulnya, konflik-konflik yang direkam dan diulas dibatasi hanya di tiga daerah, yakni Kalimantan Barat, Maluku, dan Poso. Daerah-daerah itu dipilih karena sangat rawan dengan konflik.

Menelusuri akar konflik

Ada kesan konflik-konflik yang terjadi di Indonesia diakibatkan iklim kebebasan yang terbuka pascareformasi tahun 1998. Dalam arti selalu mengaitkan konflik-konflik yang ada pasca-Soeharto tumbang dari jabatan presiden. Padahal, pandangan seperti itu tidaklah benar karena kenyataannya konflik-konflik yang terjadi di Indonesia tak hanya terjadi pasca-Soeharto, melainkan juga terjadi pada masa-masa pemerintahan Soeharto.

Menurut Tamrin Amal Tomagola dalam buku ini, sesungguhnya Nusantara tak pernah sepi dan sunyi dari ledakan-ledakan konflik komunal sejak tahun 1950-an. Konflik sejenis ini telah banyak terjadi baik di masa Soekarno maupun era Soeharto. Konflik antarsuku di Kalimantan telah mulai terjadi sejak tahun 1950-an dalam masa Orde Lama dan juga dalam era Orde Baru dengan meledaknya konflik etnis di Sanggau Ledo, Kalimantan Barat. Konflik terakhir di Sampit, Kalimantan Tengah, adalah yang keenam belas kalinya.

Masih di zaman Orde Baru, terjadi pelbagai pertikaian bernuansa agama di Jawa, seperti Peristiwa Situbondo, Tasikmalaya, Pekalongan, konflik antarumat beragama secara terbatas di Halmahera Utara yang sudah terjadi sejak tahun 1960-an. Karena itu, tidak benar bahwa konflik komunal di Indonesia, khususnya di kawasan Timur, baru marak pasca-Orde Baru (halaman 272).

Berkaitan dengan geneologi terjadinya konflik di Indonesia, banyak pengamat telah menelusurinya, baik secara filosofis, sejarah, antropologis, maupun sosiologis. HS Nordholt, seperti dikutip Alpha Amirrachman, mengatakan bahwa kekerasan di Indonesia pada derajat tertentu merupakan warisan zaman kolonial Belanda. Menurut dia, ada dua gelombang kekerasan yang menyapu Indonesia pada zaman kolonial. Gelombang pertama terjadi di sepanjang akhir abad ke-17 ketika VOC mengupayakan monopoli perdagangan dengan menguasai daerah-daerah strategis, seperti Malaka, Makasar dan Banten. Gelombang kedua terjadi antara tahun 1871 -1910 ketika penduduk pribumi mengalami era perluasan imperialis. Dalam periode inilah perang kolonial berkecamuk sebanyak 32 kali, perang Aceh merupakan salah satunya. Saat itu Belanda mengerahkan lebih dari 30.000 pasukan dan sepertiga anggaran dihabiskan Belanda untuk keperluan operasi militer. Suasana kekerasan inilah yang menurut Nordholt diwariskan Belanda kepada Indonesia (hal 3), warisan kekerasan itu kemudian secara terus-menerus terbangun serta terpelihara dari generasi ke generasi dan sulit untuk dihilangkan dari benak kesadaran masyarakat.

Namun, analisis itu dibantah oleh George Junus Aditjondro dengan mengutip dua antropolog Eropa, Hohe dan Ramijsen, setelah menganalisis mitos-mitos dan upacara-upacara di Maluku. Mereka berpendapat bahwa ada beberapa tradisi masyarakat lokal yang sesungguhnya merupakan akar-akar kekerasan. Misalnya, tradisi pela keras atau pela minum darah di Maluku memiliki potensi yang dapat mempertajam konflik. Hal itu disebabkan persatuan antara dua pihak yang terikat persekutuan pela dilandasi pada oposisi terhadap pihak ketiga, di mana sebagian penduduk pribumi dahulu menggalang solidaritas dengan membangun semangat perlawanan terhadap pihak luar (hal 311). Tradisi lokal serupa juga ditemui dalam etnik Melayu yang memiliki tradisi amok, yang menyiratkan bahwa mereka siap beradu jiwa ketika kesabaran mereka berbalas aniaya. Sebagian etnik Madura juga dikenal dengan tradisi carok, yang siap bertaruh nyawa demi kehormatan. Semua tradisi itu secara langsung atau tidak merupakan akar dan melanggengkan konflik-konflik komunal di Indonesia.

Konflik dan kekerasan di Indonesia, baik di masa kolonial, masa kemerdakaan, maupun hingga zaman Indonesia modern dapat dibedakan dalam dua bentuk, yaitu konflik vertikal dan konflik horizontal. Konflik jenis pertama biasanya berlangsung antara negara/aparat negara dengan warga negara, baik secara individu maupun secara kelompok. Atau negara memiliki kepentingan atas terjadinya konflik di daerah, dalam arti konflik yang sengaja diciptakan negara untuk kepentingan yang lebih makro. Adapun konflik jenis kedua adalah konflik horizontal antarkelompok masyarakat di berbagai lokasi di Indonesia. Biasanya konflik jenis ini dilandasi oleh sentimen subyektif yang sangat mendalam berupa sentimen kesukuan (etnik) ataupun sentimen keagamaan.

Dari dua jenis itu, konflik horizontal lebih dominan. Sebuah konflik yang diakibatkan dari kebudayaan, ras, etnik, dan agama yang berbeda. Karena konflik terlahir dari nilai-nilai kebudayaan yang berbeda, sebuah resolusi konflik yang dicari dan digali dari nilai-nilai lokal mestinya harus ada. Dari sisi inilah sesungguhnya pentingnya buku ini.

Kearifan lokal

Menurut John Haba, kearifan lokal ialah sebuah kebudayaan yang mengacu pada pelbagai kekayaan budaya itu sendiri, yang tumbuh dan berkembang dalam sebuah masyarakat, dikenali, dipercayai, dan diakui sebagai elemen-elemen penting yang mampu mempertebal kohesi sosial di antara warga masyarakat (hal 336).

Dalam beberapa kasus dijumpai adanya aspirasi dari komunitas atau masyarakat tertentu yang terlibat konflik untuk memperkuat identitas dan kapasitasnya berdasarkan aspek geografis. Contohnya, sebagian masyarakat di Maluku menginginkan adanya desa adat dan penguatan peran baparaja dalam pencegahan konflik secara mandiri dan alami. Di situ peranan tokoh-tokoh adat memiliki peran signifikan sebagai mediator ketika terjadi perselisihan dan persengketaan tanah.

Ada juga tradisi pela dan gandong yang memiliki sisi-sisi positif dan konstruktif untuk mendorong rekonsiliasi. Pela lahir berdasarkan ikatan perjanjian persahabatan dan persaudaraan dua desa atau lebih, sementara gandong menyiratkan persahabatan yang terbentuk karena adanya kesadaran geneologis.

Dalam etnik Madura ada tradisi naik dango pascaperayaan panen, yaitu ketika komunitas Madura secara terbuka memberikan ucapan selamat kepada komunitas Dayak. Ada tradisi basaru/nyaru samangat yang dimaksudkan untuk mengembalikan semangat positif berupa kedamaian, keamanan, dan ketenteraman. Selain itu ada upacara naik dango, sebuah upacara adat yang biasa dilakukan masyarakat Dayak untuk merayakan dan mensyukuri hasil panen dengan mengundang semua elemen masyarakat termasuk etnik Madura (hal 14 -15).

Kearifan lokal dalam bentuk lain juga dapat digali dengan mencari persamaan di antara kelompok-kelompok yang bertikai. Di Maluku, misalnya, tradisi yang menonjol adalah kompetisi dan festival olah vokal, grup musik, dan olahraga, seperti tinju dan atletik. Atau inisiatif seorang guru madrasah, Irwan Tahir Manggala, yang menggelar pertandingan sepak bola multireligius antara kelompok Muslim dan Kristen di kota Ambon. Kebanggaan atas prestasi dan semangat sportivitas itu diharapkan akan mempersempit jurang perbedaan (hal 12).

Perdamaian dan pencegahan konflik akan lebih dapat dirasakan lagi manakala kearifan-kearifan lokal itu kemudian didukung, difasilitasi, dan dibantu oleh peran negara dan pemerintah. Negara dan pemerintah bukannya malah mengambil keuntungan atau sengaja menciptakan konflik di daerah untuk kepentingan yang lebih makro. Dalam kasus perjanjian Malino, misalnya, mengapa perjanjian itu gagal? Karena negara dan pemerintah setengah hati untuk menghentikan konflik. Perjanjian itu banyak bersifat seremonial, bersifat proyek, tetapi substansi permasalahannya justru dinafikan. Selanjutnya proposisi pemimpin yang menginginkan perdamaian masih jauh lebih kecil dari proposisi mereka yang ingin terus berperang karena mengeruk berbagai keuntungan.

Dengan hadirnya buku ini mudah-mudahan berbagai pihak—tak hanya negara dan pemerintah, tetapi juga pemimpin dari kelompok-kelompok yang selama ini terlibat konflik—dapat mengambil hal-hal positif dari rekaman, ulasan, dan resolusi konflik yang dijelaskan di dalamnya. Buku ini memberi kontribusi yang baik soal bagaimana cara mencegah konflik dan upaya-upaya perdamaian apa yang harus segera dibumikan sehingga negara-bangsa Indonesia tak lagi selalu dirundung tangis karena konflik dan peperangan. Akan tetapi, bagaimana perbedaan (diversitas) itu dapat menjadi sebuah sinergi untuk bersama-sama membangun negara-bangsa ini sehingga dapat keluar dari krisis dan keterpurukan.

Ismatillah A Nuad Peminat Karya-karya Sejarah

www.kompas.com/kompas-cetak/0704/23/pustaka/3469596.htm

SITI MUSDAH MULIA STANDS UP FOR HER CONVICTIONS

First published in The Jakarta Post, March 23, 2007

SITI MUSDAH MULIA STANDS UP FOR HER CONVICTIONS

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Jakarta

Does wearing a veil reflect the degree of piousness of Muslim women? Muslim scholar and women's activist Siti Musdah Mulia's experience may help answer this question.

During a flight from Medina to Cairo to do research for her doctoral dissertation at Syarif Hidayatullah Islamic University, Musdah and all women on board were fully veiled.

"When the plane made a transit stop in Jedah, some women began to relax their attire. To my surprise some men began to sip wine. And even more surprisingly, when the plane landed in Cairo, all of the women entirely put away their veils and were dressed up in complete Western attire," recalled Musdah during a recent interview with The Jakarta Post.

When Musdah asked some of the women why they changed their clothes, one of them said: "Oh, that's only our traditional dress. Here (in Egypt) wearing a veil is not a tradition."

It was a first-hand experience for Musdah, who had grown up in a religiously strict environment, that the Hanafi mazhab (school of thought) is more relaxed than the Syafi'i.

This means Islam is not a religion which holds a monolithic interpretation, Musdah said.

When asked why she herself wears a Malay-styled veil, Musdah said: "I wear this simply because I feel comfortable, not because I feel I am religiously forced to wear this ... and certainly not because of the sharia-inspired bylaws."

She was refering to several bylaws of the country that oblige women to wear the veil.

"I am worried that even our five-time-a-day prayers will soon be regulated by laws .... As a result our religious ritual will no longer come from our heart, but from fear of being prosecuted," she warned.

Musdah quoted woman Muslim Sufi Rabiatul Adawiyah in saying that "she would prefer to have heaven put away from her if she prays merely for heaven".

Born March 3, 1958, in Bone, South Sulawesi, Musdah moved to Surabaya with her parents and went to elementary school there. But her grandfather asked her parents to take her back to Sulawesi, fearing that further secular education would alienate her from religious knowledge, "which my grandfather believed was important for a young girl like me."

So Musdah studied in a traditional Salafiah As'adiyah Islamic boarding school in Wajo, South Sulawesi, until completing Aliyah (Islamic high school).

Still living with her grandfather, Musdah continued studying Arabic literature at IAIN Alaudin Makassar, completing her degree in 1982.

"My grandfather was even highly distrustful when my male colleagues visited our house to return my textbooks," recalled Musdah.

But Musdah said that it was her marriage to tolerant and broad-minded husband Ahmad Thib Raya that eventually set her free, because "he came from a religious but enlightened family".

She believes that marriage is a serious social contract between men and women, which should adhere to the principles of endless love and being polite or civilized to each other.

"That is why it is beyond my comprehension why many religious leaders commit polygamy and have no respect toward equality between men and women," said Musdah.

She said that she wanted to spread the freedom and respect she enjoys to other women, "so I want to transfer my belief into a system."

As a senior researcher at the Religious Affairs Ministry and an adviser to the minister, she began her "war" against what she perceives as the gender-biased Islamic Law, which was put into effect through presidential instruction in 1991 and has become a "holy" reference for judges in religious courts.

"Women are exploited as mere sexual objects," she said of the law.

So Musdah and her team designed a document called a counter legal draft, meticulously written to challenge and replace the Islamic Law, in 2004.

The draft includes a provision forbidding polygamy, while inter-faith marriage is allowed and children are free to choose their own religion.

It immediately drew a barrage of criticism from conservative segments of Muslim society. The Indonesian Ulema Council condemned the draft as a bid'ah (diversion) and taghyir (change) of original Islamic law and a gross manipulation of Koranic verses.

After massive pressure, then religious affairs minister Said Agiel Al Munawar forbade Musdah and her team to conduct seminars and workshops using the ministry's official name, and instructed them to return all pertinent documents to the ministry.

The next religious affairs minister, Maftuh Basyuni, canceled the draft in 2005.

"But no one can stop the spread of ideas," Musdah said, pointing out that several doctoral dissertations have been written based on the draft she and her team wrote.

Musdah, the first woman to receive a research professorship from Indonesian Institute of Sciences and the first to do her dissertation on Islamic political thought, said the Koran should be critically read and interpreted using a historical perspective.

"For example, the an-Nisa verses of the Koran, which talk about men's leadership, should be read contextually that at that time men were more qualified than women because in the jahiliah period the latter were not exposed to education."

"However, today we find many women who are more educated and qualified than men," said Musdah.

"And we should not condemn Muslims who convert to a different religion. I myself have a positive thought that those who convert from one religion to another are still in the process of searching."

Musdah further said that Koranic verses are classified into two categories: qath'iy al-dalalah and zhanny al-dalalah. The first indicates the absolutism of the verses, and the second shows that the verses can be multi-interpretable.

"I regard the physically written form of all Koranic verses as qath'iy al-dalalah, while the generating meaning all of them is at the same time zhanny al-dalalah," said Musdah, adding that Prophet Muhammad urged his followers to use ijtihad (independent reasoning) in grasping the deeper messages of the Koran.

Musdah has written numerous scholarly works, including Potret Perempuan dalam Lektur Islam (Portrait of Women in Islamic Lectures) (1999), Islam Menggugat Poligami (Islam Challenging Polygamy) (2004) and Muslimah Reformis, Perempuan Pembaharu Keagamaan (Muslimah Reformist, Women as Religious Reformers) (2005).

Musdah received the Kelirumologi Award from the Kelirumologi Study Center Institute in 2005 for her efforts in promoting gender equality.

She said that gender inequality can be found in three aspects of the country's law: content of law, culture of law and structure of law.

"Patriarchal culture is still strong, reinforced by unbending religious interpretation. And at the structural level, insensitivities still can be found among law enforcers and judges," said Musdah.

Very recently she was given an International Women of Courage award from U.S. foreign minister Condoleezza Rice. The award was presented in conjunction with International Women's Day on March 8.

"I was at first reluctant to go to the U.S. to receive the award as this would strengthen the wrong perception among fundamentalists that I am a Zionist agent working to destroy Islam," she said, adding that she was finally assured by her colleagues that this award was constructive to her struggle.

However, praise from the world's super-power has not dampened her critical thinking. When Rice asked Musdah what the U.S. could do to contribute to her work, she responded: "I would like the U.S. to change its violence-based foreign policy."

SAIFUL MUJANI: FROM FUNDAMENTALIST TO PLURALIST

First published in The Jakarta Post, March 14, 2007

SAIFUL MUJANI: FROM FUNDAMENTALIST TO PLURALIST

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Jakarta

Almost a decade after reform began to take place in Indonesia, the country's political leaders still struggle to live out their new-found democratic ideals.

"Political parties are an important element in democracy, but they have failed to conduct a proper recruitment process. Just show me capable people in political parties. Many of them are good in mobilizing masses because they have money. Very few of them have expertise and technocratic capacities," executive director of the Indonesian Survey Institute (LSI) Saiful Mujani told The Jakarta Post recently.

"And you can see that current capable ministers like Sri Mulyani, Boediono and Mar'ie Pangestu are not from political parties, they are intellectuals from universities," he added.

The recent emergence of a television personality as a candidate for the upcoming Jakarta governor's election is another indication of the failure of political parties, Saiful said.

"Even in the U.S., movie stars becoming politicians is very case-based. But in the first direct governor's election in an important capital, Jakarta? Come on... what have they (the political parties) been doing?"

Opposition parties such as the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle have also failed to take clear stances on important issues, he said.

"They criticize the President, (saying) that he is merely working to `spread his charm', but what is the point of saying that? `Spreading charm' is part of politics," Saiful said.

"They criticize the government over his rice import policy, but they provide no alternative. I even don't know which political parties support or are against the rice import policy."

According to Saiful, whose organization has successfully predicted past election results in the country, including the 2004 presidential election, intellectuals should join political parties, so that when a new cabinet is formed they are ready to be ministerial candidates.

"Political parties should offer incentives to intellectuals... promise them that they will be designated to become ministers if the party wins the election," said Saiful, who is also an associate professor in political studies at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University.

Born on Aug. 8, 1962, in Serang, Banten, Saiful grew up in a family with strong Islamic values and with political inclinations toward Masyumi and Persatuan Islam.

His father, KH Syamsudin, was a religion teacher and member in the management of the second-biggest Islamic boarding school in the province, Mathlaul Anwar.

Saiful spent his elementary education in the boarding school. However, he was sent to Jakarta to study at a state senior high school because his parents wanted him to widen his horizons and knowledge.

Saiful said he suffered from culture shock living in Jakarta.

"Growing up in a community with a belief that its religion holds the absolute truth, I failed to tolerate the religious differences that I confronted in Jakarta," recalled Saiful.

"I had strong determination to convince others that my Islamic path was correct and others were wrong," he recalled.

So he read various books on comparative religion by scholars such as Sidi Ghazalba, Hasbullah Bakri, H.M. Rasjidi, and M. Natsir. He even had a Christian girlfriend during high school, whom he tried to convince to convert to Islam, but he failed, "so we broke up." Later he enrolled at IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah because he wanted to learn more from its faculties.

"It was the university that changed me from a fundamentalist to a pluralist, as many scholars there promoted tolerance in religious diversity, including Harun Nasution and my seniors, Nurcholis Madjid, Komarudin Hidayat and Azyumardi Azra," said Saiful, who was also involved in the Indonesian Muslim Association during his student days at the university.

After completing his undergraduate degree in Islamic studies, Saiful worked for scholar Dawam Rahardjo's Institute of Religious and Philosophical Study, where he became interested in political and social philosophy.

At the institution, he was involved in the publication of the then famous journal Ulumul Qur'an.

When his senior Azumardi Azra returned from the U.S. after completing his PhD, Azumardi and others including Saiful established the Center for the Study of Islam and Society in 1994 and started the publication of its internationally acclaimed journal, Studia Islamika.

Saiful received a Fulbright scholarship to earn a master's degree in political science at Ohio State University, after receiving a recommendation from noted Indonesianist William Liddle of the university.

He continued his PhD with the support of the university, and finished in 2003. His dissertation Religious Democrats: Democratic Culture and Muslim Political Participation in Post-Suharto Indonesia, which was based on two national surveys he and PPIM conducted in Indonesia, was regarded as the best dissertation in political science at the university that year.

After returning to Indonesia, Saiful and his colleagues Rizal Mallarangeng, Denny J.A. and others helped establish a research institution, the Indonesian Survey Institute, in August 2003.

Denny J.A. became its executive director and Saiful the academic director. Saiful was responsible for the quality and methodology of the survey.

Saiful said that Indonesian democracy would function more effectively if it was responsive to the perceptions, expectations and evaluations of the public.

Regular public opinion monitoring that serves as an input to political process and policy making is vital in a democratic system, he said.

"And surveys are the most systematic and efficient way of measure public opinion," Saiful said. He said the Gallup, Harris, Roper and Corsley polls were survey institutions that were helpful to the development of democracy in the U.S.

LSI made its debut during the first direct presidential election, with its Election Channel program being aired on television. Its surveys were the main topic of the show for a full year.

Saiful was also involved in the famous Quick Count program, which was conducted in cooperation with LP3ES, the Freedom Institute and Metro TV.

However, due to disagreements over how to implement the principles of LSI's independence and survey methodology, Denny resigned in 2005 and Saiful became LSI's executive director.
Denny established a similar institution called Lingkaran Survei Indonesia.

Saiful believes that the independence of LSI is imperative to upholding and maintaining the institution's credibility.

He added than another aspect that could help strengthen democracy was pluralism. The low acceptance of diversity within society would result in a horizontal conflict, and the energy of the state might be exhaustively absorbed in tackling the problem.

"A test of pluralism is how tolerant we are toward minority groups, particularly in the religious sphere," said Saiful, who is married to Baiquniah, and has three children.

Interfaith dialog has shown an improvement, but not dialog "within communities with the same religion," he said.

He cited as an example of the case of Ahmadiyah, whose members have been condemned by other Muslims.

"But the state was in a dilemma because it could not afford to the lose support of the majority. So we need strong and decisive leadership to tackle this sort of problem, as based on our constitution we have the right to practice what we believe. Otherwise anarchism will triumph," Saiful said.

He said religious and community leaders should educate their followers about the importance of tolerance in multi-ethnic and multi-religious Indonesia.

He also said that civil groups were important to help a maintain healthy democracy. "Strong societal organizations can function to absorb and articulate people's aspirations to be conveyed to the policy makers," he said.

"The more we have society-based organizations, the healthier it will be for our democracy."

KENYIR LAKE: PERFECT PLACE TO REVIVE ONE'S SPIRITS

First published in The Jakarta Post, March 11, 2007

KENYIR LAKE: PERFECT PLACE TO REVIVE ONE’S SPIRITS

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Terengganu, Malaysia

When I was invited to a retreat by Institut Kajian Dasar (with support from the Sasakawa Peace Foundation) at Kenyir Lake, Terengganu, Malaysia, I swiftly accepted the invitation.

Not only would this be my first visit to our northern neighbor, but also, as some of my colleagues found out, Kenyir Lake is really a beautiful place to relax and meditate.

The flight to Kuala Lumpur took around an hour and 45 minutes, barely less than the time spent to fly to Medan. A two-hour wait in sophisticated Kuala Lumpur International Airport was more than enough for me, as I just couldn't wait for what many argue is incomparable beauty of the largest manmade lake in Southeast Asia. I expected it be a long journey. It was. An additional one-hour flight from Kuala Lumpur landed me in small, somewhat dusty Sultan Mahmud Airport in Terengganu.

This was a simple and modest airport, located in the state capital, Kuala Terengganu, but it was very much part of the government-sponsored Visit Malaysia 2007 program celebrating 50 years of nationhood. Colorful banners were flying from almost every corner of the airport.

During a one-hour bus journey to Kenyir Lake, I managed to keep my eyes open to directly witness the day-to-day life of ordinary Malaysians, some of whom were selling nasi lemak to meet their needs.

I noticed that the state is typified by an obvious Malay culture, rural villages and serene coastal towns.

Stopping at one of the kedai (markets) to do a bit of shopping, I managed to converse with pleasant kampong people.

Terengganu's population is around 927,000. It comprises mostly Malays while the remainder are Indians, Chinese and people of other ethnicities. It is a living celebration of diversity.

With its tropical climate, the state is a perfect place for those who long for a tropical atmosphere. As I was there in January, I experienced sporadic showers, which occur between November and February.

Arriving at Kenyir Lakeview Resort, I could immediately smell the fragrance of clean and clear water. It was great to flee temporarily my chaotic life in Jakarta and Serang, I said to myself.

Terengganu is located on the east coast of peninsular Malaysia. It is blessed with the longest shoreline in Malaysia and its pretty islands glisten gorgeously like jewelry in the South China Sea.

Several islands are carefully and professionally conserved as marine gardens, making them an obvious destination for tourists and nature-lovers alike.

It extends over approximate area of 38,000 hectares, including 430 jade-colored islands.

It is a place that offers an assortment of fish, land animals and birds, and innumerable plant types -- the product of perfect cooperation between man and nature.

Kenyir Lake is undoubtedly a delight for nature-lovers, adventurers and voyagers. The area is a perfect spot for those who love boating, forest-trekking, canoeing, and other sporting activities such as squash, tennis and cycling, as a vast tropical forest beautifully surrounds this large lake.

Due to my packed schedule during the retreat, I was unable to try all the activities on offer. However, I did ride not only a boat to nearby islands to see Sack Waterfalls and Herba Garden, but also a raft we assembled ourselves during our outbound activities.

Accommodation was also superb. The resort has around 150 high-quality wooden chalets for guests. With wooden glass doors and soaring ceilings, the chalets allow visitors to feel they are communing with nature.

The food the resort provides was similarly delectable, as the cuisine and seafood here are well-known for being delicious.

Kenyir Lake was a heaven of solitude and tranquility to invigorate not only the rainforest, but also to revive one's own soul and spirit.

How to get there

Malaysia Airlines and AirAsia provide everyday flights from Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) to Sultan Mahmud Airport in Terengganu. It is approximately a one-hour drive from Sultan Mahmud Airport in Terengganu to Kenyir Lakeview Resort.

Terengganu can likewise be reached via a four-hour drive along the East Cost Expressway. To reach the resort, the shortest way is through Kuantan taking the Jerangau-Jabor Highway to Tasik Kenyir.

If you are approaching from the south, take the Kota Tinggi-Mersing course to Kuantan, then further up the Jerangau-Jabor highway. From Kelantan or Thailand, before reaching Kenyir, you will pass through Kuala Terengganu.

EFFENDI GAZALI: EDUCATING PEOPLE THROUGH POLITICAL SATIRE

First published in The Jakarta Post, March 6, 2007

EFFENDI GAZALI: EDUCATING PEOPLE THROUGH POLITICAL SATIRE

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Jakarta

The landmark television political satire News Dot Com, also known as Republik Mimpi (Republic of Dreams), is challenging the limit of freedom of expression in Indonesia amid increasing political pressure.

Information and Communications Minister Sofyan Djalil said that the show, aired on television station Metro TV on Sunday nights, presents a negative political education for people.

He admitted that he had no authority to ban the weekly show, which has been given the new name of Kerajaan Mimpi (Kingdom of Dreams). However, he said that he was planning to lodge a complaint with the country's broadcasting commission.

The man behind the show, Effendi Gazali, said that members of Metro TV have thrown their unconditional support behind the show despite the recent pressure. However, last week the show's main sponsor, cigarette company HM Sampoerna, severed its contract, forcing producers to reconsider a planned roadshow to 10 major cities which was to be financed by the cigarette company.

However, Effendi was defiant. "Suryo Paloh said that as long as there is press freedom, the TV program should continue," he said during a recent telephone interview with The Jakarta Post.

Surya Paloh is the founder of Metro TV and is a senior member of the Golkar Party. Golkar is Indonesia's largest political party and is widely regarded as being the most influential party in the country. It is also the political vehicle of Vice President Jusuf Kalla.

Effendi said that he was aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, the political party of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, was planning to file a complaint against the show. A group from the ethnic Chinese community has also complained that the show is a "character assassination" against the national leader.

The program features actors humorously portraying current and former national leaders such as former presidents Soeharto, B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri. Effendi said he believed there had been no complaints about the show from those portrayed.

Another satire co-produced by Effendi, Republik Benar Benar Mabok (Heavily Drunken Republic), was canceled by television station Indosiar due to political pressure. Jusuf Kalla had previously assured the shows producers that he was not offended by the program and that it offered an educational alternative to the public.

However, the management of Indosiar asked that the program be changed into a situational comedy with a pre-planned scenario, a move that Effendi refused. The show was thus discontinued in May, 2006, after 32 episodes and was replaced by Pengadilan BBM (BBM Court), a standard comedy in which Effendi was not involved.

Effendi continued his program "off air", conducting a roadshow to major cities in the country, receiving a warm welcome from the public.

Republik Mimpi, a similar program, went on air in August 2006 on Metro TV.

Effendi believes that political satires provide effective political education for people. He claims that a large cross-section of the public are enthusiastic about such programs, which often humorously challenge government policies.

Born on Dec. 5, 1966, in Padang, West Sumatra, Effendi is also an academic and intellectual, having graduated from the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the University of Indonesia majoring in communications. He also holds master's degrees in communications from the University of Indonesia and Cornell University, U.S. as well as a PhD in political communications from Nijmegan University, the Netherlands.

Aside from his television commitments, he is also a lecturer in communications in the post-graduate program at the University of Indonesia.

His published scholarly works include The Suharto Regime and Its Fall Through The Eyes Of The Local Media in the International Journal For Communications Studies (2002) and Negotiating Public and Community Media In Post-Suharto Indonesia in the Journal of The European Institute For Communication and Culture (2003).

Effendi received an academic award from the University of Indonesia for his research publications in regional and international journals during the university's 54th anniversary in 2004.

During his student days, he formed the comedy group Ikatan Remaja Memble Aje (IRMA) with colleagues. The group made an appearance on television station TVRI in the 1980s.

Effendi also once worked as a journalist for tabloid Mingguan Bola and was assigned to cover the 1990 World Cup in Italy.

He regretted the fact that despite Indonesia embracing reform, press freedom is still constantly under threat.

Effendi said that presidential endorsement for the recruitment of members of the Press Council had taken too long. While he admitted to having no idea what was behind the delay, he said that in the future "the recruitment process should follow that of the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission", which was conducted in a more transparent and effective manner.

Effendi quoted Thomas Jefferson in saying that if he was presented with two choices, "government without the press" or "the press without government", he would choose the latter.

ZIBA-MIR-HOSSEINI: CAMPAIGNING FOR IRANIAN WOMEN'S RIGHTS

First published in The Jakarta Post, February 28, 2007

ZIBA MIR-HOSSEINI: CAMPAIGNING FOR IRANIAN WOMEN’S RIGHTS

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Jakarta

Prior to the victory of the Islamic revolution in February 1979, Ziba Mir-Hosseini, like many other women in Iran at that time, had been a supporter of the movement that culminated in the dramatic collapse of U.S.-backed dictator Reza Pahlavi.

However, when Hosseini returned to Iran after completing her PhD in social anthropology at Cambridge University in 1980, she realized that things had not developed according to her expectations.

In March 1979, the new leader of Iran, Ayatollah Khomeini, announced that women were prohibited from being judges and were obliged to wear thehijab or head scarf in public. Thousands of Iranian women protested but were attacked by Islamic forces referring to themselves as Hezbollah (Party of God).

Clashes between students on how post-revolution reform should take course also flared up and universities were closed down. When the universities finally reopened in 1984, a committee was set up to screen both students and lecturers.

"I failed my interview because of two things: first the bad score I received from my neighborhood surveillance people who kept an eye on issues of `morality' such as whether I properly wore a hijab, and second because of my Western education. They intended to Islamize universities and they were worried that I might not be able to fulfill this," Hosseini recalled.

"So I could not get a job and my marriage failed as my husband, who was previously very modern and secular, gradually became so traditional," said Hosseini during a recent interview with The Jakarta Post and Kompas in Jakarta.

After undergoing a tough and long battle for a divorce, Hosseini decided to return to Cambridge to pursue a career there, but she often returned to Iran to conduct research.

Driven by her experiences, Hosseini wrote a book titled Marriage on Trial: A Study of Islamic Law. In 1998 she collaborated with acclaimed film director Kim Longinotto to produce an 80-minute movie called Divorce Iranian Style.

The movie is a unique look at the private lives of Iranian women, following Jamileh, whose husband frequently beats her, Ziba, a 16-year old trying to divorce her 38-year old husband and Maryam, who is fighting for the custody of her daughters. The film depicts the strength, drive and ingenuity with which they tackle the biased laws of the Kafkaesque administration and handle the hostility of their husbands and families.

"The movie shows that Iranian women can have the courage to fight for their rights," said Hosseini, adding that under Iranian laws, if it is the wife who requests a divorce, custody of children and financial support are out of the question.

In 2001, Hosseini and Longinotto produced their second movie, Runaway. It is a heart-breaking and critical documentary about a group of young girls who run away from home to escape their tyrannical families and are taken to a women's shelter in Tehran.

Born on April 3, 1952 in Sanandaz, Kurdistan, Iran, Hosseini was exposed to Caspian culture early as her parents were from Kaswin in northern Iran. Hosseini grew up in Tehran after moving there at the age of ten.

She graduated in sociology from Tehran University in 1974, but said she found sociology to be so abstract that she decided to switch to anthropology, achieving her PhD in this discipline from Cambridge University in 1980.

"Anthropology takes an in-depth look into societies though participant observation. Somehow through anthropology you come to understand your own culture and you realize the extent to which you are the product of your own culture. And things that are culturally assumed to be correct, may be viewed differently by others for various reasons," said Hosseini, who specialized in legal anthropology.

Hosseini is now a senior research associate at the London Middle Eastern Institute, School of Oriental and African Studies, the University of London.

"Women have become the symbol of both modernism and traditionalism. Women's bodies have become a battleground between modernism and traditionalism. For example, in a country like Turkey in the name of modernity women cannot wear scarves but in other countries in the name of traditional Islam, it is imposed," said Hosseini, whose husband Richard Tapper is also a prominent anthropologist.

When asked about the women's movement in Iran, she answered: "Women's and gender issues were somehow silent in the 1980s, particularly during the war with Iraq. But by the early 1990s, these issues came to the surface and at that time many Muslim women lobbied the ayatollah, or judiciary and seminary for progressive reforms, and they successfully managed to achieve legal reform."

"During the Ramsanjani and Khatami era, in both the parliament and government there were women who were very broad-minded who were all for the equality of women. They were part of a power structure, nonetheless. When Ahmadinejad came to power, all of them were gone. So we don't have broad minded people in the government; many are now against women's issues. In the parliament we have two candidates who are reformists, but they are in the minority."

She said that Iranians are often too idealistic, wanting to have perfect political leaders. She regretted that a sizable portion of students and activists had boycotted the election because of the frustratingly slow pace of reform, and as a result Iran is now led by the hard-line leader Ahmadinejad.

When asked about the current situation for women in her country, Hosseini said that there are positives such as the requirement that 50 percent of medical students be women, but "Ahmadinejad's government has introduced a bill that might annul that, arguing that female doctors are unable to go to remote areas."

When asked about her future projects, Hosseini said she is planning to make a new movie on men's sexuality on the grounds that "one of the major problems for Muslim women is the insecurity of men about their identity and sexuality."

When asked why men usually view themselves as being more confident and powerful than women, she replied: "That is what you see at the surface; people who need to be authoritarian... but it comes from a deep sense of inferiority. If you don't have control inside, you want to control outside."

"Pre-modern theories of sexuality says that women's sexuality is active, and that is why they have to be kept away from the public. But the modern theory of sexuality among Islamists views women as being sexually passive. The argument on hijab is that if women do not cover themselves, men will get too excited, causing social order to collapse."

"This means men's sexuality is active; whereas women have control over their sexuality. This issue has not been addressed."

HASBOLLAH TOISUTA: REMOVING THE SEEDS OF CONFLICT IN MALUKU

First published in The Jakarta Post, February 13, 2007

HASBOLLAH TOISUTA: REMOVING THE SEEDS OF CONFLICT IN MALUKU

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Ambon, Maluku

Five years after the signing of the Malino II agreement, peace seems to have prevailed in Ambon and its surrounds. But for Muslim scholar Hasbollah Toisuta, the seeds of conflict remain intact.

"We still use terminology like senior high school SMU I for Muslims and SMUK for Christians, depending on the location of the school. Thus, instead of helping produce a blue print for peace, our education further segregates students," Hasbollah said.

"From a cultural perspective, we should be able to take off our `jackets', and think together within the frame of Maluku," he said.

Hasbollah, a lecturer at the State Islamic University (STAIN) Ambon, was one of the signatories to the 2002 Malino II Agreement that put an end to the bloody religious conflicts that killed over 2,000 people since 1999

"Maluku doesn't belong to any particular group, it belongs to all of us," he stressed..

At the peak of the conflicts in 1999 and 2000, when the word 'peace' was often taboo in the province, Hasbollah stood up against his own people and protected many who his fellow Muslims saw as enemies.

Hasbollah regularly preached messages of peace at Friday prayers at Ambon's grand mosque al-Fatah, particularly on the importance of Ambon maintaining its pluralistic society and the need to forge reconciliation between Muslims and Christians.

Predictably, members of the notorious ultra-radical Laskar Jihad were not happy. His peace messages were immediately countered by Laskar's preachers, who also used the mosque's stage to call for an all-out war against their perceived enemies.

Laskar Jihad members at one point barred Hasbollah from coming up to the stage, replacing him with their own preacher, to the dismay of mosque authorities. Laskar's members also pressed the mosque's imam, KH Ahmad Bantam, to take Hasbollah off the preacher's list.

"Later, they came to my house to intimidate me, but with the support of the imam I vehemently said 'no' to them," Hasbollah told The Jakarta Post at his house in Kebon Cengkeh, Ambon.

Born on Jan . 29, 1966 in Siri-Sori, Saparua, Hasbollah graduated from the Syari'ah Faculty at the State Islamic Institute IAIN Alaudin Ambon in 1991. He received his masters' degree from the IAIN Alaudin Makassar, South Sulawesi in 2000.

Hasbollah said the spirit of brotherhood amongst Maluku people is traditionally very strong, but "incompatible policies from Jakarta and provocation from outside such as from radical groups and members of the security forces fueled the 1999 conflict."

He cited as an example the New Order regimes's land-oriented development policy, which was not suitable for Maluku's maritime economy.

"As a result, Maluku's fishermen remain in a backwater, with no appropriate skills to enhance the quality of their lives," Hasbollah said.

Hasbollah believes Maluku is rich with local wisdom that can be utilized to help nurture peace, such as the pela and gandong traditions. Pela is based on friendship between two villages, while gandong indicates brotherhood between two or more villages based on genealogical links.

"For example, the pela of my village, Siri-Sori, is Haria, which is a Christian village. When one of the villages conducted a social event, people from the other village were obliged to come and help," Hasbollah recalled.

"So when our brothers and sisters from Haria came, they were allowed to take any fruit from our yard. We shared joy together."

Asked if such local wisdom is still relevant today, after changes in the composition of Maluku society, Hasbollah said that concept of pela can also be applied to forge relations with migrants, such as Buton people.

"In the past, it (pela) was for Maluku people, however, now we can rejuvenate the concept to be applied to people who have migrated from outside Maluku," he explained.

Active in several students' and social organizations, broad-minded and tolerant Hasbollah is not alien to the idea of pluralism as he maintains fine relations with many of Christian figures in the province such as Protestant minister Jacky Manuputty, Catholic nun Sister Brigita and many others.

Refusing to join the fighting, Hasbollah and his colleagues actively promoted peace in the battered province. They established the LKSP (Institute for Strategic Study and Empowerment) in 2002. Its mission has been to study the economy, politics, and education and to conduct reconciliation between Maluku's segregated societies.

"It was an unpopular move, but we didn't want people to be dragged further into the conflict," said Hasbollah, adding that the LKSP has also worked to help internally displaced people.

Hasbollah also played a role in peace-building prior to the Malino II peace agreement, which was initiated by then Coordinating Minister for the People's Welfare Jusuf Kalla and the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. The agreement followed Malino I, a peace agreement for Poso.

Hasbollah later joined the delegation to Malino, and signing the agreement on Feb. 12, 2002. The fifth anniversary of the signing passed on Monday.

"We departed and boarded two different airplanes," recalled Hasbollah of the still heightened hatred between the two religious communities.

After signing the peace agreement, which didn't contain the word "peace" due to the sensitivities over the word, but contained "ending the conflict" instead, Hasbollah and the team had to disseminate the content of the peace agreement to the people of Maluku.

And that was still a very risky job.

During a dissemination meeting at one school in the Christian village of Passo, a bomb exploded in front of Amboina Hotel, lighting a fire that burned down the Maluku governor's office.

Hasbollah and others were trapped at the school.

At the school, one member of the dissemination team already appeared to be dead.

"The school's teachers vowed to help us," Hasbollah said.

The group eventually managed to escape the village, as the provoked residents began slaying perceived enemies.

"When we passed a Muslim village, Muslim figure Mahmud Rengifurwarin sat at the front seat with the window rolled down, but when we passed a Christian village, Suster Brigita took her turn sitting in the front seat," recalled Hasbollah.

He said now is high time for the people of Maluku to unite so that they can have bargaining power with Jakarta.

"Otherwise, Maluku will remain a battleground for people from outside the province," he said.

SURIN PITSUWAN: A BRIDGE BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

First published in The Jakarta Post, February 6, 2007

SURIN PITSUWAN: A BRIDGE BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

Alpha Amirrachman, Contributor, Terengganu, Malaysia

Former Thai foreign minister and prominent Muslim intellectual Surin Pistuwan was raised in a family with strong Islamic values. So when he was awarded an American Field Service Program scholarship to the United States, members of his Islamic community had to debate whether or not to let him go.

Some elders on the pondok (Islamic boarding school) council run by his family immediately called for a meeting. Since Pitsuwan was the first son of the pondok's guru (teacher), and hence destined to inherit the pondok, some elders feared he would lose his Islamic values, while other, more moderate elders lent him their support.

Pitsuwan said, in an interview with The Jakarta Post, that his departure was a lonely and dramatic one, but he felt he had to go "in order to make a difference".

These days, no one in Pitsuwan's community should regret his decision. Pitsuwan has become a rare and respectable leader groomed from within Buddhist-majority Thailand's Muslim minority.

An eloquent speaker, Pitsuwan said absolute truth belongs only to God, and no human being has the right to claim it.

"During my time studying at the pondok, my teacher always ended class by saying Waullahu alam (Only God knows), as he solemnly closed the Koran under the lantern," recalled Pitsuwan, who was a prolific columnist for the National Review and the Bangkok Post throughout the 1980s.

Born in 1949, Pitsuwan studied at Thammasart University, Thailand, and graduated in 1972 in political science from Claremont Men's College, California. He later worked as a researcher between 1977 and 1980 at the Thai Studies Institute and the Ford Foundation.

He received his Ph.D from Harvard University in 1982, before working at the office of U.S. Democratic Congresswoman Geraldine A. Ferraro.

Pitsuwan was elected to the Thai parliament for the first time in 1986. He served as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs between 1992 and 1995, and as Minister of Foreign Affairs between 1997 and 2001.

Still charming and energetic at 58, Pitsuwan is not only a top intellectual and longtime politician; he is also a man who is aware of how to pose for the cameras.

"No, don't take a picture against the sun, our faces will darken," he warned during a recent photo session with enthusiastic participants at a workshop organized by the Institute of Policy Research and the Saskawa Peace Foundation in Terengganu, Malaysia, on the sidelines of which he gave this interview to the Post.

Pitsuwan shared his views on Thailand's unexpected military coup and the prospect of restoring democracy in its aftermath. He also discussed the project of building peace in Thailand's Muslim-majority south, and how to enhance relations between Thailand and Indonesia.

Do you see the coup as a setback to democracy in Thailand?

The coup was necessary when it took place. It was supported by the people on the condition that it move the country forward and that it only be for one year. Based on that condition, the country is hoping that we will return to the path of democracy as soon as possible. Our role is to make sure that this is short and painless. We are working on to encourage the new leaders to move forward, and to get out of the way soon. Was (the coup) a step forward? No it was not. But it was a corrective measure, and unfortunately it was unconstitutional. Nobody is trying to defend this, but only asking observers to understand the reasons why it had to come to that, because all avenues to a resolution of political conflict had been closed.

How are people going to push for a return to democracy, given that fact that Thailand no longer enjoys press freedom?

It is not going to be easy to take away press freedom. It would cost the new leadership support. And they are beginning to realize that... there is a sense of insecurity, but they are learning the lesson that they should not interfere quite fast. It is very risky when you close the (democratic) process... (if you) limit the process, then you are bound to agitate people and make mistakes. I think Thai society has gone too far for that kind of imposition of control.

Do you think that peace agreement in Aceh will have an impact on peace building measures in Muslim-populated Southern Thailand, since there was an alleged link between the Pattani insurgency and former separatists in Aceh?

It was not very well established that there was any connection between those two, but I think it depends on the government in Bangkok. Certainly... after a long time in Aceh you were able to come to a peace agreement. I think it was achieved because of the give-and-take and flexibility of both sides, which would have to be the ingredients of peace process in Thailand too... acceptable conditions that lead to real justice and space for everyone culturally and economically. I think that is the guiding principle.

Do you think that the present government is more eager than the previous one to deal appropriately with the insurgency in southern Thailand?

I think the present government has the right attitude, the right direction and is more willing to engage in more dialog, use more peaceful means and open for more interaction than just the brute force (which) under (former Thai Prime Minister) Thaksin had been the wrong approach from the beginning, creating more problems and alienation... Nonetheless, it will take some time to make real contributions. The problem has gone too far... it requires a lot of effort on the part of so many people and institutions to bring back confidence.

What do you think the people in the south should do to benefit from the present government's attitude?

Well, I think the truth needs to be established. The present government has now admitted that the real issues are the injustices of the past, and who should be held responsible. Also we have to concentrate on the benefits of development rather than exploiting natural resources. So people (in the south) need to be part and parcel of the development process... and have access to political decision making. Thereby their traditions and culture will have to be a part of policy formulation in the future.

What areas of cooperation need to be enhanced between Indonesia and Thailand?

Economic investment is important. (Indonesia's) natural resources are extremely rich and Thailand is industrializing more and more and needs some of these resources. For example, fishery is one area we are looking into. Energy is forever a necessary item, tourism between us is also central. I think the basis of all this will be cultural exchanges to enhance the cultural commonalities between our two countries.

http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2007/02/06/surin-pitsuwan-bridge-between-east-and-west.html